Has Imran Khan lost Pakistan's latest political match?

Three weeks ago, a famous ex-cricketer and a firebrand cleric turned up in Pakistan’s capital calling for a “popular coup” against the incumbent government.

They demanded the resignation of the prime minster, Nawaz Sharif, accusing him of vote-rigging and corruption – and these ‘rebel-leaders’ had not come to Islamabad on their own.

They were accompanied by thousands of their own supporters, who attended rallies, marched on public buildings, fought with police and even staged an old-style coup manoeuvre when they seized the state TV station – albeit, only for 30 minutes.

For a moment or two, it actually looked like this unusual pair – the dapper Imran Khan and imam Tahir-ul-Qadri, had succeeded in orchestrating a major civilian revolt. Last weekend, the police fired tear gas and rubber bullets at thousands of protestors as they tried to storm the Prime Minister’s official residence. Chaotic images, beamed across the globe, seemed to shout “Pakistan, on the brink, again.”

However, this self-proclaimed experiment in democracy has experienced a series of fundamental glitches over the last few days. For example, Nawaz Sharif, who won an over-whelming parliamentary majority 15 months ago, has refused to resign.

.Then, the protestors began to drift away. Imran Khan gave a series of televised speeches to rows of empty chairs this week, then  criticised senior members of his ‘Movement for Justice Party’ for failing to bus in enough supporters.

Furthermore, there’s the fact that Pakistan’s all-powerful army has decided not to intervene – or at least not directly. That’s crucial, because Khan and ul-Qadri don’t have the numbers to force the prime minister’s hand – to rid the nation of Nawaz Sharif and schedule a fresh election, they’d need the help of the men in peaked caps.

Of course, the army hasn’t always been so hesitant to get involved in politics. Facing increasing civil disorder in 1977, General Zia-ul-Haq declared martial law and appointed himself ‘Chief Martial Law Administrator’ – and there have been plenty of other examples of military meddling. This time however, the crisis seems to taking a welcome new direction – which brings us to the most important glitch in the ‘rebel-leaders’ plan. This self-styled popular uprising is not really supported by the people.

Politically speaking, the two protest leaders seem increasingly isolated. The various parliamentary parties – with the exception of Khan’s own Justice Movement – have rallied behind the government, citing the importance of democracy and the Pakistan constitution.

What’s more, Imran Khan himself is starting to look like damaged goods. He won over thousands of young and disillusioned voters at the last election with his call for a ‘political tsunami’, but his attempt to overthrow the prime minister over the last few weeks seems cynical and self-serving.

Last night the former cricketer promised to remain in Islamabad’s ‘Red Zone’ until Nawaz Sharif resigns. If he wants a shot at the top job however, Khan should stop talking about a revolution and focus on the nuts and bolts of politics – like his party, its policy proposals and finding a way to win the argument at the next election – because that is the sort of country the people of Pakistan want to live in.

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